A significant figure in the village was the agent in charge of Lord Falkland's estates. George Brigham, a man of forty [1], had taken over from his father Robert some fifteen years earlier.
Born near Slingsby, Robert Brigham had been Lady Amherst's steward and agent for many years. His abilities had brought his family prosperity and prominence in the village, and he had held the posts of High Constable and churchwarden of Rudby. He farmed at Rudby Farm as a tenant of his employer. His daughters married prosperous local men: Elizabeth was the wife of the miller at Leven Bridge, William Simpson, and her sister Mary had married his brother Robert, miller at Newport, whilst Isabella was the wife of the Stokesley saddler, Ralph Watson. Ann had made the best match socially, when she married the Revd Richard Shepherd, vicar of Rudby.
George Brigham is said to have acted as one of the surveyors of the Stockton and Darlington Railway, and became Lady Amherst's agent when only in his twenties. By 1823 he was working as a land agent and valuer, and held the offices of coroner for Cleveland and chief constable for the west division of Langbaurgh. He farmed at Windy Hill, Rudby, paying Lady Amherst a yearly rent of £265 [2].
Unfortunately George was not as capable as his father, and his rather uncertain grasp of his duties is revealed in the letters of his good friend, John Harker. The story of the troubles that beset the Brigham and Harker families reveals a vivid glimpse of life in Georgian Stokesley – and resulted in repercussions which were to have an effect on events in Hutton Rudby.
Tuesday, 11 December 2012
Monday, 10 December 2012
Chapter 4. The Nobility
While the lands of the village of Hutton had belonged for generations to a number of freeholders and there was no major landowner to impose his authority on the villagers, the nearby hamlets of Rudby and Skutterskelfe were the property of the owners of the great house.
In the first half of the 18th century this had been Rudby Hall, standing opposite the church beside the river, but after the manor of Rudby was inherited by Isabella Ingram, her husband General George Cary purchased the neighbouring manor of Skutterskelfe and there he and Isabella made their home. Rudby Hall appears to have been dismantled or allowed to fall into decay [1].
By 1830 the estates had belonged for some thirty years to their daughter, Elizabeth, Lady Amherst. She was the widow of Jeffery 1st Lord Amherst, commander-in-chief of the army and much favoured by George III.
In the first half of the 18th century this had been Rudby Hall, standing opposite the church beside the river, but after the manor of Rudby was inherited by Isabella Ingram, her husband General George Cary purchased the neighbouring manor of Skutterskelfe and there he and Isabella made their home. Rudby Hall appears to have been dismantled or allowed to fall into decay [1].
By 1830 the estates had belonged for some thirty years to their daughter, Elizabeth, Lady Amherst. She was the widow of Jeffery 1st Lord Amherst, commander-in-chief of the army and much favoured by George III.
Sunday, 9 December 2012
Chapter 3. The Village & its Vestry
Village affairs in England were run by the Parish Vestry, a parish meeting that had developed over the centuries largely unregulated by legislation. It took its name from the church ante-room in which it was held.
The Vestry officials, elected or appointed, were unpaid – the constable was responsible for law and order, the overseers for the poor relief, the surveyor of the highways for the upkeep of the highways and bridges in the parish, and the churchwardens for the upkeep of the church and a varied range of duties from the baptism of foundlings to the extermination of vermin. The funds for the churchwardens' duties were provided by the church rate, set by the Vestry.
Each township was responsible for the care of its poor and sick, who were given relief in money or kind from the parish rate, and the Vestry could engage the services of a medical man to attend their poor. Hutton township had adopted the 1819 Sturges Bourne Act, which enabled it to elect a committee, the Select Vestry, to administer its poor relief.
Very few records from the early 19th century have survived, the most significant being the overseers' accounts for Rudby township between 1779 and 1830, and the churchwardens' accounts from 1787 onward.
The Vestry officials, elected or appointed, were unpaid – the constable was responsible for law and order, the overseers for the poor relief, the surveyor of the highways for the upkeep of the highways and bridges in the parish, and the churchwardens for the upkeep of the church and a varied range of duties from the baptism of foundlings to the extermination of vermin. The funds for the churchwardens' duties were provided by the church rate, set by the Vestry.
Each township was responsible for the care of its poor and sick, who were given relief in money or kind from the parish rate, and the Vestry could engage the services of a medical man to attend their poor. Hutton township had adopted the 1819 Sturges Bourne Act, which enabled it to elect a committee, the Select Vestry, to administer its poor relief.
Very few records from the early 19th century have survived, the most significant being the overseers' accounts for Rudby township between 1779 and 1830, and the churchwardens' accounts from 1787 onward.
Saturday, 8 December 2012
Chapter 2. Linen Weaving & the Paper Mill
In 1831 the population of Hutton Rudby was at its 19th century peak of 1,027 and the township was dominated by linen weavers [1].
In the early part of the century there was a significant linen industry in the Cleveland area (though on a minor scale compared to Nidderdale and Knaresborough) and neighbouring villages such as Osmotherley and Brompton were also weaving communities.
Linen had long been used for many products from fine fabric to canvas, but it would soon face serious competition from light cottons, which would eventually force linen manufacturers to concentrate on the heavier cloths – in Hutton, this was to be sailcloth.
From the harvesting of the flax to the woven linen cloth lay many stages of production and a great deal of time, and this long interval between the initial investment and the finished product created a natural division between the flax preparation and spinning, and the weaving and finishing.
In the early part of the century there was a significant linen industry in the Cleveland area (though on a minor scale compared to Nidderdale and Knaresborough) and neighbouring villages such as Osmotherley and Brompton were also weaving communities.
Linen had long been used for many products from fine fabric to canvas, but it would soon face serious competition from light cottons, which would eventually force linen manufacturers to concentrate on the heavier cloths – in Hutton, this was to be sailcloth.
From the harvesting of the flax to the woven linen cloth lay many stages of production and a great deal of time, and this long interval between the initial investment and the finished product created a natural division between the flax preparation and spinning, and the weaving and finishing.
Friday, 7 December 2012
Chapter 1. Hutton Rudby: a North Riding Township
 |
| Revd R J Barlow c1804-78 |
He would be remembered above all for his devoted service to his parishioners in October 1832 – the time of the cholera.
Hutton Rudby was the largest township of the parish of Rudby-in-Cleveland. His new home lay in the North Riding of Yorkshire, some six miles south of its northern boundary, the River Tees.
Had Mr Barlow cared to look up the North Riding in the recently published Clarke's New Yorkshire Gazetteer (1828), he might have found the description rather uninviting.
The coast is described as "hilly, bleak and cold" and
the interior part of the moorlands is bleak, dreary, and destitute of wood, where the traveller sees nothing but a few small sheep.The writer conceded that "the climate admits of some variety", but generally, he declared, "it may be called severe", with the moorlands "enveloped in fogs and chilled with rain".
Thursday, 6 December 2012
Remarkable, but still True: a Note regarding money
I have not attempted to give modern equivalents of the money of the day, but rather to place it in context to give an idea of value.
It was generally estimated at this time that a yearly income of £150 was the bare minimum for middle-class life, and that a family needed £300 to live respectably in a town, where expenses were higher. A good urban artisan's wage in 1835 was round about a pound a week. An income of £1,000 put a man at the top end of the middle class.
For those unfamiliar with pre-decimal coinage:-
A half-crown, or half-a-crown (mentioned in Chapter 6) was a coin worth 2s 6d
Pronunciation:
The suffix "-pence" is now usually pronounced as it is spelt. This practice only began after decimalisation, when for a time "pence" was usually prefixed by "new". Previously, "-pence" (in compound words) was always shortened to something nearer "pnce".
For example, in "threepence", the ee and e were pronounced short ("thrupnce" or "threhpnce").
It was generally estimated at this time that a yearly income of £150 was the bare minimum for middle-class life, and that a family needed £300 to live respectably in a town, where expenses were higher. A good urban artisan's wage in 1835 was round about a pound a week. An income of £1,000 put a man at the top end of the middle class.
For those unfamiliar with pre-decimal coinage:-
- 12 pence (12d) = 1 shilling (1s. or 1/-)
- 20 shillings (20s. or 20/-) = £1
- One pound and one shilling (£1-1s or £1/1/0) = 1 guinea (1 gn.)
- One-quarter of a penny (¼d) = 1 farthing
- Half a penny (½d) = one halfpenny
A half-crown, or half-a-crown (mentioned in Chapter 6) was a coin worth 2s 6d
Pronunciation:
The suffix "-pence" is now usually pronounced as it is spelt. This practice only began after decimalisation, when for a time "pence" was usually prefixed by "new". Previously, "-pence" (in compound words) was always shortened to something nearer "pnce".
For example, in "threepence", the ee and e were pronounced short ("thrupnce" or "threhpnce").
Wednesday, 5 December 2012
Remarkable, but still True: Foreword
This book is dedicated to the memory of Dr Geoffrey Stout and Miss Grace Dixon, to whom I owe many thanks for early encouragement and support.
The original research into the Hutton Rudby cholera outbreak of 1832 was done by Dr Stout. He and I then collaborated on further work, which we wrote up for the Teesside and North Yorkshire Archives, but never published. After his death, I presented our findings to the Hutton Rudby History Society in a talk in his memory. Margaret Brabin of the Society urged me to write up the information – but first I thought I should complete the research. This took several years longer than I had expected and led to many unexpected discoveries.
I would like to thank the many people who helped me on the way.
I was particularly well-served by the many sources now available on the internet and by the help of several librarians – particularly Nigel Prince and the staff of the Northallerton County Library, Jenny Parker of the Middlesbrough Reference Library, Penny Rudkin of the Southampton Reference Library, and Michele Lefevre of the Leeds Local Studies Library, who in response to my request for copies of items in the Leeds newspapers relating to the cholera in October 1832 found the letter written by Mr Barlow to the Leeds Mercury. The Borthwick Institute and the Cambridge University Library were also most helpful. I owe a great deal of information to Jacky Quarmby’s work on the Brigham family and to a most fruitful collaboration with her over this interesting episode.
Many thanks to Kate Milburn and Julia Weeks for their helpful comments over the years, to Beryl Turner, and lastly to my proof-readers Margaret Brabin, Shirley Storey and above all Lynda McPhie.
Finally, my grateful thanks to my husband and children for their support during the research and writing of this book.
The original research into the Hutton Rudby cholera outbreak of 1832 was done by Dr Stout. He and I then collaborated on further work, which we wrote up for the Teesside and North Yorkshire Archives, but never published. After his death, I presented our findings to the Hutton Rudby History Society in a talk in his memory. Margaret Brabin of the Society urged me to write up the information – but first I thought I should complete the research. This took several years longer than I had expected and led to many unexpected discoveries.
I would like to thank the many people who helped me on the way.
I was particularly well-served by the many sources now available on the internet and by the help of several librarians – particularly Nigel Prince and the staff of the Northallerton County Library, Jenny Parker of the Middlesbrough Reference Library, Penny Rudkin of the Southampton Reference Library, and Michele Lefevre of the Leeds Local Studies Library, who in response to my request for copies of items in the Leeds newspapers relating to the cholera in October 1832 found the letter written by Mr Barlow to the Leeds Mercury. The Borthwick Institute and the Cambridge University Library were also most helpful. I owe a great deal of information to Jacky Quarmby’s work on the Brigham family and to a most fruitful collaboration with her over this interesting episode.
Many thanks to Kate Milburn and Julia Weeks for their helpful comments over the years, to Beryl Turner, and lastly to my proof-readers Margaret Brabin, Shirley Storey and above all Lynda McPhie.
Finally, my grateful thanks to my husband and children for their support during the research and writing of this book.
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